The Stained Glass of St Luke’s, Charlton

The Seventeeth- and Early Nineteenth-Century Stained Glass of St Luke’s, Charlton

Joseph Spooner and John Conradi

Charlton, formerly in Kent and now a suburb of London, sits at the top of a hill overlooking the River Thames. The church of St Luke (fig. 1) is situated next to Charlton House, the imposing residence built in 1607–12 by Sir Adam Newton (d.1630), 1st baronet. It housed a fascinating ensemble of seventeenth- and early nineteenth-century glazing, the remains of which were assembled in a north aisle window c.1900. Several families, including a number of the church’s patrons, used glass to assert their association with the locality and the church, as well as their extensive familial networks, which spread from Church to State, and across the newly United Kingdom.

Architecture and Fenestration (JS)

Fig. 1. The church of St Luke, Charlton, viewed from the south-east (Image © David Harrison).

Fig. 2. Plan of St Luke’s, Charlton, showing the fenestration and window-numbering (Image © Gavin Ward).

There was a church dedicated to St Luke at Charlton by 1290, which in the sixteenth century had a belfry with small spire (fig. 2). The thick south wall of the old chancel is said to enclose medieval work, and the single window in it (sII) may date to the fifteenth century. A few brasses of late sixteenth-century date remain on this south wall, including one to Robert de Vere (d.1598), lord of Wricklemarsh and third son of the 15th earl of Oxford, who had borne the crown at Anne Boleyn’s coronation, as well as a carved tablet commemorating Edward Wilkinson (d.1567), master-cook to ‘the Moste Exelent and our Sofferaygne Lady Quene Elizabeth’.

Fig. 3. View of the interior of the church from the south-west corner of the nave, showing (from left to right) the arcade into the north aisle, with the heraldic window; the north chancel chapel (lit), with the window of two round-headed lights; and the old chancel, with lower arcade separating it from the north chancel chapel and the present chancel (lit) beyond (Image © Gwen Zammit).

Fig. 4. St Luke’s viewed from Charlton House. The church is now obscured by trees and a later boundary wall, but would originally have formed an attractive ensemble with the garden house by Inigo Jones (Image © Christopher Parkinson).

It seems that in the early seventeenth century, a chapel (the present Lady Chapel) was added to the north of the old chancel, and from the exterior brickwork and interior two-bay arcade, it is clear that this was of the same length as the old chancel (fig. 3). This space was lit by at least one window of two round-headed lights (the present nIV), which formerly housed glazing commemorating Edward Blount (1559–1618) of the nearby Wricklemarsh estate. Given as a vill in the Domesday book, Wricklemarsh had been in the western part of the parish of Charlton in 1381; by 1527 the majority lay in Charlton, and it had spread into the neighbouring parishes Kidbrooke, Lewisham and East Greenwich.1 It is not known if the Blounts built the north chancel chapel, perhaps in an attempt to establish an estate church, or exactly when they may have done so, but interestingly the Blount glazing must have been installed after Sir Adam Newton had finished Charlton House.2

The current appearance of the church is generally associated with the refurbishment financed with monies from the estate of Sir Adam Newton and completed in 1639 by ‘Sir David Coningham, knight and baronet, late cofferer to Prince Charles; Mr. [James] Newton his brother, and Mr. Peter Newton, gentleman usher to the late Charles’.3 Relatively little seems to have been done to the fabric during this phase in the old chancel and north chancel chapel, although new glazing was installed. The main work appears to have consisted of the addition of a new nave (replacing the medieval one); the extension westwards of the north chancel chapel to form a north aisle, separated from the nave by a two-bay arcade (echoing that separating the old chancel from the north chancel chapel);4 and the construction of an impressive tower at the west end. Taken together, the 1630s nave and north aisle are square in plan, and both areas had flat ceilings, unlike the barrel-vaulted old chancel and north chancel chapel. The tower is placed centrally at the west end, lending the whole structure an attractive and impressive appearance when viewed from Charlton House or the river (fig. 4). The 1630s addition received four identical Gothic windows – sIII in the nave, wI in the tower, and nV–VI in the north aisle.

The present chancel was constructed in 1840, to the east of the old one, and the 1639 glass of the east window would have been moved to the new east wall around this time. Major restoration works were undertaken in 1873–74, at which time the church was repewed, an earlier west-end gallery removed, and an organ chamber lit by a single window (nII) added to the east of the north chancel chapel. During the 1870s works, two major monuments were moved from the north chancel chapel – that of 1630 against the north wall by Nicholas Stone commemorating Sir Adam Newton and his wife Katherine Puckering (d.1618), and that against the east wall commemorating Sir William Langhorne (c.1631 – 1715) and his wife Grace Chaworth, Viscountess Armagh (d.1700)5 – to their present locations, respectively by the south door and in the tower (figs 5, 6a–b). The easternmost window of the Lady Chapel (nIII) was then inserted; it matches the 1630s Gothic windows at the west end, but the details of the mouldings vary both inside and outside.

Fig. 5. The nave of St Luke’s, looking west, with the monument to Katherine Puckering and Sir Adam Newton (by the door); the tower with the monument to Viscountess Armagh and Sir William Langhorne; and the arcade separating the nave from the north aisle (Image © David Harrison).

Fig. 6a. The monument to Katherine Puckering and Sir Adam Newton (Image © Bob Speel).

Fig. 6b. The monument to Viscountess Armagh and Sir William Langhorne (Image © David Harrison).

Overview of the Glazing (JS)

All the extant early glass is now housed in window nV, but glazing from the seventeenth century was formerly found in I, nIV–VI, and sII. If there was glass in sIII, it was in the tracery, and no early glass is documented for wI; this may indicate a desire to provide good light for the pulpit (originally by sIII, at the junction of the old chancel and nave) and the baptistery. Windows nII–III are insertions of the later nineteenth century.6

The seventeenth-century glazing was installed in two phases: the glass (bearing the date 1618) commemorating Edward Blount and his family in nIV, and the glass (late 1630s) installed by the three named individuals who refurbished the church. The latter had themselves represented in glass in the east and south windows of the chancel. Heraldic glass associated with the Newton family was installed in the north windows of the north aisle (nV–VI), continuing the Blount heraldic display (nIV), and possibly in a now-lost window in the north chancel chapel. Window nV contained glass relating to Sir Henry (1618–1701), Sir Adam Newton’s son and heir.7 In 1654, he inherited his maternal uncle’s estates at Warwick Priory, to where he moved, but he already is referred to in nV as Sir Henry Puckering, and in the east window as Puckering-Newton. The window also contained the arms of his wife’s parents, and those of his maternal grandparents. Window nVI contained armorial glass recording the marriages of two of Sir Henry’s sisters, Elizabeth and Jane. For the possible lost window, see below. It is remarkable that the scheme does not appear to have included any glass for Sir Adam Newton himself.

Although the seventeenth-century glazing suffered during the Civil War, more armorial glass and perhaps more of the east window survived than the following 1825 account might imply.

Though most of the painted glass in the windows of the church was destroyed during the troubles in the time of Charles I., many fragments remain of St. Luke’s ox with wings on his back, and goodly horns upon his head: indeed with the exception of two or three armorial bearings and a few cherubs’ heads, these figures of St. Luke’s horned symbol, which escaped destruction, and are carefully placed in the upper part of the windows, are the only painted glass remaining; save also, however, that in the east window, there are the head and shoulders of the saint himself [sic], and the same parts of the figure of Aaron.8

The earliest source for the glazing is an antiquarian manuscript (British Library, Add. MS 5489) copied out by Edward Hasted (1732–1812) in July 1768 from a ‘curious book’ in the possession of the late John Thorpe (presumably the antiquarian John Thorpe Sr, 1682–1750). The notes probably date to the first half of the seventeenth century.9 There are also accounts of the church published in the Gentleman’s Magazine by Henry Vane in 1865, and in the Proceedings of the Woolwich and District Antiquarian Society by Charles Swainson (rector of the church in the later nineteenth century) in 1897.

The East Window (I)

The mainly seventeenth-century glazing formerly in this opening was probably moved to its present position, as noted, after construction of the new chancel in 1840. The window was lost in 1940, but its appearance is known from an RCHME photograph probably taken in the 1920s (fig. 7).10 At the foot of light c were the arms of Newton, identified by Swainson as being for James Newton, Sir Adam’s brother and one of three responsible for the refurbishment of the church.11 At the foot of light b was a somewhat damaged inscription: ‘This windowe w[as] | glased at the cha[rge] | of Iames Newton Esqr | vncle to S(i)r Henry Puc | kering-Newton Barronet | Son & heire to Sir Adam Newton Barro= | nett deceased. Anno | 1639.’12 James Newton marked the church’s ecclesiastical allegiance at the foot of light a, with the arms of John Warner (bap. 1581 – 1666), Bishop of Rochester 1638–1666 (See of Rochester impaling Warner).13 The RCHME photograph also shows two inscription fragments, moved from sII (see below), inserted at the foot of the central light.

According to Thorpe, the main lights contained ‘the portraitures at large of Moses and Aaron, with the two tables; which are now destroyed, except the heads of the figures’.14 The central light may well have contained the tablets of the law: a window with Moses and Aaron flanking the commandments survives at St Lawrence, Morden (Surrey), and there were similar schemes elsewhere, including the east window of St Mary, Bow. The focus is in such schemes is upon the Word, and the prophets are represented merely as its messengers or witnesses, not as images for veneration.15

In the 1920s photograph the figures in the outer lights were surmounted by roundels bearing the word for God in Hebrew and Latin (‘DEUS’). There were also cherub heads in the foils at the heads of the lights, one of which appears to have survived (fig. 8), and ‘the back ground of the divisions is filled in with fruit and flowers of great beauty of design and merit’.16 The glazing was remade in 1882 by Clayton & Bell at a cost of £127, at the instigation of Sir Spencer Maryon Maryon-Wilson, 10th Baronet (1829–1897), patron of the church.17 The figures of Moses and Aaron were completed – certainly their counterparts at Morden and Stratford had exposed ankles and sandalled feet – and a figure of Christ the Good Shepherd inserted in the central light.

Fig. 7. The east window, taken in the 1920s (Image © Historic England, reproduced with kind permission).

Fig. 8. Cherub head probably from the original east window of 1639, now in an eyelet of the present east window (Image © Christopher Parkinson).

A Lost Window?

The Hasted account records ‘in a window’, after a description of the monument to Sir Adam Newton and Katherine Puckering and before a description of the ‘other chancel window’ (clearly the east window), the arms of Newton (for Sir Henry) and of Murray (for Henry’s wife Elizabeth).18 With these arms was an inscription: ‘T … Templi hujus latere atque Campanulam mag[nam] …. Henricus Puckering Baronettus Ex pia … intentionis ante adventum Suum ad … ad … A(nn)o Dom(ini) 1629’ (‘[…] on this side of the church and a great bell […] Henry Puckering Baronet, out of devout[?] […] before his coming of age[?] […] in the year of Our Lord 1629’).19 The meaning of the Latin is not clear, and Sir Henry Puckering (see above) would have been too young in 1629 to be associated with building work or the donation of a large bell; the date is perhaps an error for 1639, which matches that of the former east window well.

Since Hasted separately records glazing in sII as well as the Blount glazing in nIV (which could easily have filled the window), and since the north chancel chapel would have been dark if lit by only one window, it is possible that the space formerly had another window. A location between the monument to Sir Adam Newton and Katherine Puckering on the north wall and the glazing installed in the east window by one of Sir Adam’s trustees would have been highly appropriate for glass associated with Sir Adam’s heir. If the projected window was in the east wall of the north chancel chapel, it would have been lost when the monument to Viscountess Chaworth was installed; it would certainly have gone when the organ chamber was added.

Second window from the east in the north aisle (Lady Chapel), nIV

This window of two round-headed lights formerly housed armorial glass relating to Edward Blount (1559–1618) of nearby Wricklemarsh. Blount’s shield is found in brass below the window (fig. 9); a memorial plaque to Blount formerly below this shield has been moved to a pillar of the arcade separating the Lady Chapel/north chancel from the old chancel (fig. 10).

Fig. 9. Brass with the arms of Edward Blount (d.1618) (Image © Christopher Parkinson).

Fig. 10. Brass detailing the family of Edward Blount (d.1618) (Image © Christopher Parkinson).

The arms of Edward Blount survive in nV 3b, and those of Blount and his second wife Fortuna Garway (dated 1618) in nV 3a (figs 11–12). Fortuna was the daughter of Sir William Garway (1537–1625) of London and Kidbrooke. The two roundels in nV 1a (a shield of Blount with a mullet for difference, placed on a sacred heart on a sunburst) and nV 1b (a Trinity shield) can be associated with these armorials (figs 13–14). The arms and roundels were complemented by armorial quarries relating to the Blount family. The arms in nV 3b are flanked by four such pieces: (lower left) Blount with a mullet for difference, impaling Haste, for Thomas Blount and Elizabeth Haste, Edward’s parents; (top left) Blount with a mullet for difference; (lower right) Garway impaling Brydges, for John Garway (c.1490 – 1590) and Ursula Brydges (1495–1530);20 and (top right) Garway. The two alliance arms are noted in the Hasted account, which records two further arms that may also have been quarries: ‘The fess and pyle [Garway modern] Impaling arg(en)t a chevron between 3 crosses flory sable’,21 for Fortuna’s parents, Sir William Garway (1537–1625) and Elizabeth Anderson; and ‘Gu(les) 2 Swords in saltyre arg(en)t impaling arg(en)t 3 Cups Covered sab(le)’, for Alexander Nowell (c.1517 – 1602), dean of St Paul’s Cathedral, who married Elizabeth (née Haste) after the death of Thomas Blount.22 Vane records in what was probably this window two arms that may also have been quarries: ‘Argent, a sun gules–a coat of Hast’,23 and ‘Azure, a pall argent within a bordure’.24 The original arrangement of the armorials, roundels and quarries is not known, but together they no doubt constituted an impressive display.

Fig. 11. Arms of Edward Blount (d.1618), nV 3b, early sixteenth century (Image © Christopher Parkinson).

Fig. 13. Roundel with the arms of Thomas Blount set on a (?sacred) heart and a sunburst (Image © Christopher Parkinson).

Fig. 12. Arms of Edward Blount and Fortuna Garway, nV 3a, early sixteenth century (Image © Christopher Parkinson).

Fig. 14. Roundel with the Trinity Shield (Image © Christopher Parkinson).

Third window from the east in the north aisle, nV


Fig. 15. Window nV, the ‘heraldic window’, with glass of the sixteenth and early nineteenth centuries (Image © Christopher Parkinson).

Three armorial panels appear to have been lost from this window. One was a panel of Newton impaling Azure, three mullets argent, within a border flory of the second,25 for Sir Henry Newton/Puckering and his wife Elizabeth Murray. Another was Puckering impaling Chowne, for Sir Henry’s maternal grandparents, Lord Keeper Sir John Puckering (1544–1596) and Jane Chowne (d.1611). Their son Sir Thomas Puckering (d.1636) was educated with Prince Henry (1594–1612) by Sir Adam Newton, who married Thomas’s sister Katherine (d.1618). This panel was later moved to nVI, before being removed after 1897 to make way for the glass now there.26 The third was Azure, three mullets argent, within a border flory, as above described, impaling Or, three bars wavy gules,27 for Elizabeth Murray’s parents, Thomas Murray (1564–1623) and Jane Drummond (d.1647, a member of the court of Anne of Denmark, wife of James I and VI).

The lowest three rows of nV (fig. 15) now house seventeenth-century glass that can be associated with the 1630s refurbishment of the church, all of which has been moved from elsewhere: the glazing in rows 1 and 3 is the Blount glass from nIV (see above), and that in row 2 from nVI (see below).

Row 4 houses the two early nineteenth-century panels. The first (fig. 16) is the arms of Sir William Langhorne, 1st baronet (c.1631 – 1715) and his wife Grace, the Dowager Viscountess Chaworth, a sister of John Manners, 1st Duke of Rutland (1638–1711). Grace died in 1700, having been married to Langhorne for less than a year. The second (fig. 17) is for Sir Thomas Maryon Wilson, probably the 7th baronet (c.1773 – 1832). For the significance of the installation of these panels in this window, see Historical Context below.

The tracery compartments consist of a central quatrefoil (A1) flanked by two eyelets (B1–2). Vane notes here the ox of St Luke, and RCHME and Eden note three cherub heads, a sun, and the ox of St Luke.28 A1 now contains four cherub heads set on blue glass centring a sun roundel; B1–2 contain matching plain blue glass (fig. 18). Three of the cherub heads (in the upper, lower and left-hand foils) have a blue enamel background to match the blue glass on which they are set; the fourth head (in the right-hand foil) does not have this and appears to be a later piece. The early glass may be associated with the 1630s work. The glass here was perhaps rationalized with the tracery glass of sIII (q.v.) after the Second World War.

Fig 16. Arms of Sir William Langhorne (c.1631 – 1715), early nineteenth century (Image © Christopher Parkinson).

Fig. 17. Arms, probably of Sir Thomas Maryon Wilson (c.1773–1832), 7th baronet, early nineteenth century (Image © Christopher Parkinson).

Fig. 18. Tracery of nV, with cherub heads (one modern) and a sun, perhaps from the 1630s work (Image © Christopher Parkinson).

Westernmost window of the north aisle, nVI

The Hasted account notes in this window two armorial panels associated with the Newton family. The first, for Sir Edward Peyto (d.1643) and Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Adam Newton, is extant in nV 2b and was moved there shortly after 1897.29 The second was ‘arg(en)t a chevron between 3 Ravens sa(ble)’ impaling Newton,30 for Jane Newton, another of Sir Adam’s daughters, and her husband Sir James Enyon, who was knighted in 1642 but was killed in a duel the very same year.31

The arms of Puckering now in nV 2a, moved from this window after 1897, are presumably for Katherine Puckering’s father, Sir John Puckering (1544–1596), speaker of the House of Commons and Lord Keeper of the Great Seal for Elizabeth I.

South window of the old chancel, sII         

This window contained the arms of two of the three individuals responsible for the refurbishment of the church in the 1630s.

In 1796, Lysons records in this window ‘… REGI CONCLAVI OSTIARIUS […] HANC SUIS IMPENSIS JUSSIT FIERI 1639’ (‘[…] Gentleman Usher to the king […] commanded this [window] to be made at his own expense, 1639’), versions of which were recorded in the east window by Vane and Swainson.32 All that remained of this in the 1920s RCHME photograph is ‘[…] ostiarius hanc | […] jussit fieri.’. This inscription, together with the coat recorded here in the late eighteenth century (the ‘arms of Newton, charged with a crescent Or for a difference; crest, a boar’s head argent on a ducal coronet Or’) with the date 1639,14 can presumably be associated with Peter Newton (see above).

The Hasted account notes here an inscription, ‘[…] Illustrissimi Caroli Prin | [cipis … am] pulpitum & oratorium | [… Anno] Domini MDCXXXIX’ (‘[…] of the most illustrious Prince Charles […] pulpit and lectern [… in the year] of Our Lord 1639’),33 which was recorded in the east window in 1865, and visible at the very foot of light b in the 1920s RCHME photograph. Associated with this inscription were the arms: ‘arg(en)t a Pall between 2 Towers triple Towered sab(le). Crest a unicorns Head arg(en)t armed or in a Ducal Crown of the 2d’.34 These are the arms of Sir David Cunningham, another Scot and courtier to Charles I, which also appear on the pulpit that he donated (fig. 19); his lectern does not survive.

Fig. 19. The pulpit at St Luke’s, with the arms of Cunningham (Image © David Harrison).

South window of the nave, sIII

No record has been found of the main lights’ ever having housed stained glass. Vane notes in the tracery here the ox of St Luke ‘with one hoof resting on the holy Gospel’, RCHME the ox of St Luke with three cherub heads (one mutilated), and Eden the ‘symbol of St. Luke and a sun with three [sic] cherubs’ heads (17th century)’.35 The tracery is now empty, but one or more of the cherub heads may have been moved to the tracery of nV (q.v.).

The Glass-painters (JS)

The Blount glazing in nV 1a–b and 3a–b is in good condition, and is remarkable for the quality of the glass-painting, including the figurative elements. The armorial panels in 3a–b are striking for the elaborateness of the mantling and the survival of parts of the architectural framing within which these were set; the architectural framing in the two panels is linked motivically by blue pendant rings. Also noteworthy are the iconographical choices for the roundels (motivically linked by sunbursts) the arms of Blount Sr set on a ?sacred heart and a Trinity Shield. The armorials were set on white (rather than clear) glass, no doubt to lessen external distractions for the viewer. To date, no glass-painter has been traced or suggested for this glazing.

The early nineteenth-century panels in nV 4a–b are in very good condition. Again, the quality of the painting is high, and far fewer leads are employed than in the earlier glass. The panels are oval and the arms are set on a white ground, presumably to match the format of the 1630s glass. These panels have always been in this window and were presumably executed to match the design of the 1630s glass, some of which remains below it in the window. To date, no glass-painter has been traced or suggested for this glazing.

The panels in nV 2a–b are all that remain of the glazing installed in the 1630s (figs 20–21). That in 2a may be more complete (though it does feature insertions), and is notable for a death’s head with eyes in the sockets. That in 2b may be a composite of several panels: the surround of the shield does not present a continuous design. Instead of a crest there is a pair of gossiping putti (and there are the wings of two further putti to either side); there are also a snail, vines with grapes, pomegranates, and another death’s head with eyes in its sockets, crowned with laurels, in front of a butterfly.

Fig. 20. Arms of Sir John Puckering (1544–1596), early sixteenth century (Image © Christopher Parkinson).

Fig. 21. Arms of Sir Edward Peyto (d.1643) and Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Adam Newton, early sixteenth century (Image © Christopher Parkinson).

In 1897, the Revd Charles Swainson attributed the former east window of 1639 to ‘Isaac Oliver’.16 Other lost and extant glazing – armorial panels, cherub heads, symbols of St Luke (see the descriptions of nIV–VI and sII–III below) – can almost certainly be associated with the 1630s refurbishment and therefore perhaps also with the same glass-painter, although all the known inscriptions not originally in the east window are in Latin, unlike the inscription at the foot of the east window’s central light. The attribution at Charlton has not so far been traced in any of the earlier literature, and Swainson himself gave no source for it. He seems to have considered it more or less self-evident, although careful examination of the 1920s RCHME photograph reveals no sign of a signature.36 Two possible explanations spring to mind: either Swainson had access to a now-lost book of accounts that named the glass-painter, or there was a signature on the glass before it was modified by Clayton & Bell in 1882.

Whatever the reason for the attribution, Swainson may have consulted a standard work on painting of the period, Horace Walpole’s Anecdotes of Painting, probably in one of the nineteenth-century versions that included the cumulative footnotes of later editors. Here he would have found the name Isaac Oliver, coupled with Walpole’s conviction that this glass-painter was related to the distinguished immigrant miniaturists Isaac Oliver (c.1560–1617) and the latter’s son Peter (1594–1638). Walpole was not aware of the Charlton window, or indeed of any early work by Oliver the glass-painter, but he attributed a window at Christ Church, Oxford, dated 1700 (so a very late work if the artist was born in 1616, as he says) to him:

As in none of these accounts mention is made of any children of Peter Oliver, I conclude that Isaac Oliver, glass-painter, born in 1616, was son of the younger brother, James. Among the verses printed by the University of Cambridge, in 1638, on the death of Mr Edward King, Milton’s Lycidas, one of the English Copies is inscribed Isaac Oliver, who, I suppose, was the glass-painter, and then about the age of twenty-two, as appears from the following inscription on a painted window in Christ-church, Oxford: J. Oliver, aetat. suae 84, anno 1700, pinxit deditque.37

In 1835, the 1700 Christ Church window was attributed to Isaac Oliver, as was a 1664 armorial window at Northill (see further below),38 and in 1840 Isaac Oliver is said to be ‘extensively employed’ in Oxford;39 in 1843, Isaac is even mentioned in the same breath as William Price (d.1709).40

The possibility that confusion arose between the initials I and J – both of which could stand for either Isaac or Joh(annes) – was raised by Walpole’s editor, the Revd James Dallaway, in a note to the passage just cited.

The inscription upon this window is “J. Oliver,” which is not necessarily the initial of “Isaac;” nor is there any proof that the execution of his gift did not precede the year 1700. The finest specimens of his minute works, sun-dials with flies, insects and butterflies, is […] at Northill in Bedfordshire, in the parlour window of the rectory house. This was probably a present to the rector, as Oliver had been employed to make a window of exquisitely finished emblazoning, for the chancel. Both are inscribed “John Oliver fecit 1664.”41

Although the sundial at Northill is indeed inscribed by John Oliver,42 the window in the church is signed simply ‘I Oliver’ (figs 22–23; the three lights of glass are now displayed before two separate openings). Swainson was certainly familiar with Dallaway’s note, as his own description of the Charlton glass as ‘exquisitely finished emblazonry’ almost exactly echoes Dallaway’s description of the 1664 Northill glass, so his persistence with Isaac rather than John is notable.

Fig. 22. Northill (Bedfordshire), window by Oliver, 1664 (Image © the Revd Steve Day).

Fig. 23. Northill (Bedfordshire), window by Oliver, 1664 (Image © the Revd Steve Day).

One modern source separates Isaac and John Oliver,43 and others attribute the Northill and Christ Church glass to John Oliver.44 John is otherwise much better attested than Isaac and had a remarkable and diverse career, the very length of which may have foxed early writers. He probably served his apprenticeship between the ages of 14 and 21, and the date of the Charlton east window, 1639, falls a year or two after he would have obtained his freedom. He may soon have started work as a surveyor, perhaps because the demand for glass tailed off during the Civil War upheavals – he was quoted in the 1680s as saying that he had been a surveyor for forty years. But the work at Northill may show that he continued to work as a glass-painter. During the Fire of London in 1666, John lost his house and studio, but he was afterwards selected as a City Surveyor, in which capacity he was joined by Peter Mills, and Robert Hooke. He was paid for glazing work in the ‘Convocation House’ and office during Wren’s rebuilding of St Paul’s.45 A later fruit of his surveying work was his A mapp of the cityes of London & Westminster & borough of Southwark, with their suburbs as it is now rebuilt since the late dreadfull fire of c.1680. He also produced a number of mezzotint engravings. John Oliver died in 1701 and in his will had asked to be buried in St Paul’s Cathedral.

Historical Context (JC)      

The Early Sixteenth Century: Blount and Garway

The earliest extant glass displays a genealogy of the Blount family, centring on Edward Blount (1559–1618) of Wricklemarsh,46 lawyer and landowner (nV 3a), and his second marriage, to Fortuna Garway (b.1585), daughter of Sir William Garway (1537–1625) of London and Kidbrooke, knight and customs farmer (nV 3b). The four small escutcheons now surrounding the Blount arms denote the lineage of both Edward and his wife: (to dexter) Blount with a mullet argent for difference (presumably for Edward’s father Thomas Blount, who was a third son), and the same impaling Haste, for Edward’s parents (his mother was Elizabeth Haste); and (to sinister) Garway (for William Garway); and Garway impaling Brydges, for Fortuna’s patrilineal grandparents, John Garway (c.1490 – 1590) and Ursula Brydges (1495–1530), herself a daughter of Giles Brydges (Brugge) (1462–1511), the 6th Earl Chandos.47 The quarterly arms of Edward have a mullet gules at the fess point. Other similar escutcheons were formerly in this window, including the arms of Fortuna’s parents, Sir William and Elizabeth Anderson (see Overview above).

The financial troubles of the Elizabethan and Jacobean states opened up opportunities for wealthy men to advance their own position in society. Sir William Garway was one such, and as a customs farmer he occupied an important position in society, comparable to the bankers and leaders of financial institutions today.48 Customs farming was just one of the many methods used to raise capital for the Crown, whereby the right to collect customs fees on the Crown’s behalf would be leased to men who expected to make substantial returns on their investment by charging higher duties. The initial capital was raised through networks of loans in which all parties would receive a share of the profits. In 1613, Sir William was granted by King James I and VI the exclusive right to farm the import duties on French wines, after having made a better offer than the man who had held this office for the previous twenty years.49 In 1639, Garway’s Royalist son Henry (bap. 1575, d.1646), a member of the Drapers’ Guild,50 was tasked as Lord Mayor of London with extracting funds from the mainly Parliamentarian guilds to loan to the Crown in the leadup to the Civil War;51 he was later even imprisoned for resisting Parliamentary exactions.52 Sir Henry was a governor of both the Levant Company 1635–1643 and the East India Company 1641–1643, positions from which he was ejected during the Civil War. There was a connection with the Levant in the Blount family too: Sir Henry Blount (1602–1682),53 an early proponent of coffee, travelled to the Levant in 1634 – without a guide, in order to see the land through his eyes only – and published a popular account of his journey two years later that earned him recognition from the king and his knighthood.54

The union of the Blount and Garway families may indicate an attempt to consolidate and advance estate-holdings within the Hundred of Blackheath. Sir William Garway had purchased Kidbrooke Manor from John Erskine (1558–1634), the 8th Earl of Mar (to whom the manor had been granted by the king),55 but soon after conveyed it to his son-in-law, Edward Blount, who held neighbouring Wricklemarsh.56 The majority of Wricklemarsh fell within Charlton parish, as noted, although part of the estate was in Lee parish. This union later brought together Royalist and Parliamentarian causes, notably in the figures of Sir Henry Garway (Edward Blount’s brother-in-law, discussed above) and Col. Thomas Blount (Edward’s second son). Sir Henry would spend most of the Civil War period either being harassed for money or incarcerated for his Royalism.57 Col. Thomas was a Parliamentarian and staunch Protestant who opposed tithes and lay patronage and was very active in local politics as a Justice of the Peace.58 In the latter capacity, he had an interest in the persecution of highwaymen: the Wricklemarsh estate was quite close to the Hanging Wood (part of the Charlton House estate), which was a notorious location for such criminals. Blount himself fell victim on at least one embarrassing occasion, and the diarist John Evelyn developed a friendship with the colonel after himself falling victim there and calling on Blount for help. Evelyn recorded evidence of Blount’s intellectual curiosity, noting his invention of an odometer and a new suspension system for carriages. The Civil War enabled Blount to extend his political influence, as he was invited to attend numerous committees and sat on a commission for law reform in 1652 set up by the Rump Parliament. At the outbreak of war, he had been given command of a Kentish regiment, although after the Restoration this would make him an object of suspicion by the new regime.59 In 1661, Blount was attending services in Lee, finding his own religious views more in line with those of the nonconformist clergymen there;60 as a member of the local gentry whose landowner status was not immediately tied to the crown, he was perhaps more at liberty to dissent.61

The 1630s: Newton and Puckering

The next pair of armorials, chronologically, can be associated with the family of Sir Henry Newton/Puckering, son and heir of Sir Adam Newton (see Overview above), and are the remains of the extensive scheme instigated in the 1630s by the trustees of Sir Adam’s estate. The armorials express a social divide similar to that explored above. The first (in nV 2a) is for Sir John Puckering (1544–1596), Sir Henry’s maternal grandfather, who was Lord Keeper of the Great Seal for Queen Elizabeth I and Speaker of the House of Commons; the second (in nV 2b) is for the marriage of Parliamentarian Sir Edward Petyo (1591–1643) and Elizabeth Newton, Sir Henry’s sister. While the Blount and Garway heraldry can be seen as marking the union of two estates, the Newton and Puckering armorials can be contextualized within a union at national level, that of the Union of the Crowns, which was accompanied by a southward shift in the locus of political power.

Although the sudden influx of Scots into positions of influence in England was not without its critics, the king granted Scottish politicians numerous English estates. Among them was John Erskine, the 8th Earl of Mar, mentioned previously, who was granted Charlton Manor (in addition to Kidbrooke Manor) by the king, and whose son James (d.1640, Earl of Buchan from 1617 and one of the Lords of the Bedchamber under Charles I) sold Charlton to Sir Adam Newton. Sir Adam was a Scot of obscure parentage who rose to prominence at the court of James I and VI as the tutor to the Prince of Wales, Henry Stuart (1594–1612).62 In Sir Adam Newton’s marriage to Katherine Puckering (d.1618) – Sir John Puckering’s daughter and sister of Sir Thomas, a co-tutee of Prince Henry under Sir Adam – we see a social union that highlights the nature of the new ‘British’ society ushered in by the Union of the Crowns and the way in which it intersected with the old Elizabethan order. Sir Henry Newton himself would marry Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas Murray (1564–1623), a marriage marked at St Luke’s in now-lost glass. Thomas Murray was another Scot who had moved south accompanying King James I & VI. In his role as the tutor of the future Charles I, younger brother of Prince Henry,63 and as Provost of Eton, Thomas Murray was a close associate of Sir Adam. In addition to the arms of Sir John Puckering, the windows at St Luke’s also housed the arms of Puckering and Chowne, marking Sir John’s marriage to Jane Chowne (c.1550 – 1611), daughter of Nicholas Chowne of Aldenham and Fairlawn (see Overview above); the arms of Sir John and of Puckering impaling Chowne are seen together on Sir John Puckering’s impressive funerary monument in Westminster Abbey.

Like Col. Thomas Blount, Sir Edward Peyto was a staunch Protestant,64 but despite being married into the most significant Royalist network in Warwickshire, he was also a Parliamentarian. Peyto commanded the garrison at Warwick Castle, which refused to submit when the town fell to Royalist forces in 1642, and unfurled a red banner with a bible and winding sheet to signify his defiance and willingness to die for the Holy Scriptures.65 This radicalism may have been prompted in part by a wish to distance himself from such associations with Catholicism: Sir Adam Newton is recorded as having posed as a priest in France, and may have taken Catholic orders, and Sir Edward Peyto’s mother was an Aston, another family with known catholic connections.66 Perhaps he felt an autonomy similar to that expressed by landowner Col. Thomas Blount; he was certainly intellectually similar, being chiefly interested in architecture and being the builder of Chesterton’s landmark windmill. Unlike Col. Blount, Peyto was not fortunate enough to exit the Civil War unscathed and he died as a lieutenant-general in the army of Robert Devereux, 3rd Earl of Essex, the day after the first Battle of Newbury in 1643.

While one Newton sister had married the Parliamentarian Sir Edward Peyto, the other had wed the Royalist soldier Sir James Enyon (c.1587 – 1642), 1st baronet, who would be killed in a duel with fellow Royalist Sir Nicholas Crispe (1599–1666), 1st baronet. Thus, both sisters commemorated in the glass in St Luke’s were widowed around the same time, perhaps simplifying the allegiances of the family at large.

The Early Nineteenth Century: Langhorne and Maryon-Wilson

The last pair of armorials in window nV at St Luke’s (nV 4a–b) was likely commissioned, as a pair, to signify continuity in the ownership of the Charlton House estate. That on the left belongs to Sir William Langhorne (c.1634 – 1715), 1st baronet, East India Company merchant and wealthy landowner; that on the right is for Sir Thomas Maryon Wilson (c.1773 – 1821). The connection between these two men is somewhat circuitous, the result of the many twists and turns in the inheritance of Charlton House. This pair of armorials is an example of heraldry being used not only to indicate patronage or to commemorate a deceased individual, but also to convey the legitimacy of the living by connection with significant characters in the past. Parishioners attending services at the time these glasses were installed – in the same window as heraldic glazing relating to Sir Henry Newton/Puckering, a previous owner of Charlton House – may well have appreciated the significance of both the choice of armorials and their placement.

One way for a seventeenth-century gentleman to use wealth to improve his prospects, beyond the universally traditional method of bare-faced bribery, was to buy a baronetcy. These were hereditary titles, ranking just below the youngest sons of peers but above most knighthoods, that were granted in return for monies, usually calculated as the amount required to sustain either a small group of soldiers67 or a number of colonial settlers.68 The practice of creating baronetcies was not a new one, but it was used extensively during the Jacobean period as a method of raising revenue for the Crown, alongside the leasing the rights to farm customs duties and other schemes, as we saw with Sir William Garway above. Langhorne was created a baronet in 1668, after the death of his father, from whom he inherited stock in the East India Company, and the baronetcy significantly raised Langhorne’s standing in society, as his family were merely gentry.69

In the 1670s, Sir William succeeded to the governorship of Fort St George (Madras), after his predecessor was removed from his post for illegal private trading; Langhorne himself however also succumbed to this temptation, amassing a large fortune in the process.70 In 1680, on his return from India, he purchased Charlton House from Sir William Ducie (a contemporary of Col. Thomas Blount), who had purchased Charlton House in 1658; he later (1707) also acquired the manor of Hampstead. Sir William Langhorne is a perfect example of a ‘nabob’. These were newly wealthy men who had returned from India and were the cause of a great deal of anxiety, both because they presented a threat to the traditional aristocratic and political order, and also because their wealth had been acquired through non-traditional, possibly immoral and almost certainly illegal means.71 Langhorne however was an associate of John Manners (1638–1711), 1st Duke of Rutland and a prominent Whig politician, and married the duke’s sister, Grace Manners, Viscountess Armagh (c.1632 – 1700) in the last year of her life, after the death of her estranged husband Sir Patrick Chaworth, the 3rd Viscount of Armagh (1635–1693). The marriage made him one of the richest men in England and no doubt garnered him a degree of respectability.

In late 1714, the elderly Sir William married the young Mary Aston (1697–1730), stepdaughter of the Revd Dr Robert Warren (1679–1740) – a personal friend of Sir William, incumbent at St Luke’s, curate of Hampstead, and chaplain at Charlton House.72 He died less than six months later, and since neither marriage had produced issue, the estates were passed down to distant relations according to the list of remainders set forth in Sir William’s will. From 1715 to 1798, the estates passed firstly to Sir William sister’s sons, and subsquently to his cousin’s daughter Margaret Crowch (d.1745/6), the widow of the Revd Joseph Maryon (c.1650 – 1710) and the fourteenth remainder in Sir William’s will. Events may have taken a very different turn, had the Revd Warren exercised more tact: he was originally named in Langhorne’s will as the thirteenth remainder, but was removed for the ingratitude he exhibited on being told he was only thirteenth in line to inherit. The estates passed to Margaret’s son, the Revd John Maryon (c.1692 – 1760). The list of remainders in this Maryon’s will begins with his niece Margaretta Maria Weller (1713–1777), whose daughter, Jane Badger-Weller (1749–1818), married Sir Thomas Spencer Wilson (1727–1798), 6th baronet.

Fig. 24. St Luke’s from the south east, after construction of Sir William Langhorne’s charity school and before the construction of the new chancel in 1840. “St.Lukes, Charlton”, J.P.Malcolm, published in Malcolm’s Views, c.1800. Copper engraved print, 17 x 13 cm. (Image Ref F8075 ©

Since a woman’s property passed to her husband upon marriage, the years between Sir William Langhorne’s death and Sir Thomas Spencer Wilson’s inheritance of Charlton House on his marriage to Jane Badger-Weller in 1767, would have been insecure for the agricultural workers whose livelihoods were intimately linked with the decisions made by the land-owner. The successful management of agricultural lands depends on consistency over time, and this was not guaranteed if there were frequent changes in the estates’ management. In the rapidly changing world of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, it is not surprising that Sir Thomas Maryon Wilson (1774–1821), 7th baronet –the first male to inherit the estates in his own right since his grandmother’s uncle – would want to show his legitimacy as a landowner. It is possible that the 7th baronet was also hoping to convey the dawning of a more prosperous age of stability for those who lived on and farmed the lands, and the armorial panels are surrounded by monuments to the individuals involved in this transition: to the right of the window (on the same level as the armorials) is a monument set up by Dame Jane Wilson (formerly Badger-Weller) to her mother; to the left is a monument set up by Dame Jane to her deceased husband, the 6th baronet; to the left of this is a monument to set up to Dame Jane herself after her death in 1818; and on a nearby column is a tablet set up by the 8th baronet, Sir Thomas Maryon Wilson (1800–1869), to his mother Elizabeth, who died a few months after Dame Jane. Yet the rapid urbanisation of London put considerable pressure on landowners to develop agricultural land, and there was rapid housing development in Charlton and Woolwich during the time of the 8th baronet. Open spaces did survive in Charlton however, and the early nineteenth-century glass at St Luke’s is a tangible reminder of their former owners.

Catalogue (JS) 

The east window, I

The opening now houses a Transfiguration window, with Elijah, Christ and Moses, designed by Charles Blakeman (1907–89) and executed by Lowndes & Drury in 1951 (fig. 25).73

A seventeenth-century cherub head survives in the left-hand eyelet.

Window above the door to vestry, nII

This window forms part of the rebuilding works of 1873–74 and contains nineteenth-century glass depicting Moses receiving the Tablets of the Law (fig. 26). It has been attributed to Alfred Octavius Hemming (1843–1907).74

Easternmost window of the north aisle (Lady Chapel), nIII

This formerly housed a memorial window to Thomas Groves (d. May 1874) and his wife Sophia (d. March 1879), but of this only the armorial tracery glass survives (fig. 27). The main-light glass was damaged during the Second World War and removed for repair. The repairers (Goddard & Gibbs) failed to collect it from the porch on the appointed day, and it was stolen. The company therefore produced the replacement glazing now seen here; this was installed in the spring of 1953. It was designed by Arthur Edward Buss (1905–1999).75

Fig. 25. East window (Image © Christopher Parkinson)

Fig. 26. Window nII (Image © Christopher Parkinson)

Fig. 27. Window nIII (Image © Christopher Parkinson)

Second window from the east in the north aisle (Lady Chapel), nIV

The window now contains a memorial window to Charlotte Dalgety (d.1888) (fig. 28).

Third window from the east in the north aisle, nV

1a. Roundel. On a blue ground a rayed sun bearing a ?sacred heart charged with the arms of Blount with a mullet for difference, perhaps for Thomas Blount.

2a. Armorial panel. ‘1. Puckering. 2. Argent, a mullet sable, pierced of the field–Ashton. 3. Ermine, on a fess gules three annulets, or–Barton, co. Norfolk. 4. Paly of six, argent and (?three pallets), vert–Langley. 5. Argent, two bendlets sable, the upper one engrailed, the other plain–Lever. 6. Puckering. Crest: A buck courant or–Puckering.’, for Sir John Puckering (1544–1596). The panel was moved from nVI to nV shortly after 1897.76

Fig. 28. Window nV (Image © Christopher Parkinson)

3a. Armorial panel. ‘Quarterly 1 and 4. Barry nebulée of six, or and sable–Blount. 2 and 3. Argent, a lion rampant gules (armed and langued azure, crowned or), within a bordure sable bezantée–Cornwall, in fess point a mullet gules for difference; impaling quarterly. 1 and 4. Argent, a pile surmounted by a fesse gules between four leopards’ faces gules–Garway, knt. 2 and 3. Gules, on each two bars azure three mascles of the field, a canton or–Garway. Ancient arms. Two crests: 1. On a cap of maintenance gules, turned up ermine, a lion statant of the first, charged on the shoulder with a mullet or–Blount. 2. On a wreath argent and gules a mound vert, thereon a Cornish chough proper.’77 Inscription beneath: ‘A(NN)O DOMINI 1618’. These arms were earlier noted in the north chancel window (nIV).78 The second wife of Edward Blount (d.1618) was Fortuna Garway.79

4a. Armorial panel. ‘Sable, a cross argent, on a chief of the second three bugle horns of the field stringed gules–Langhorne, Bart. Impaling or, two bars azure, a chief quarterly of the last and gules, on the first and fourth two fleurs de lis or, on the second and third a lion of England (shewing descent from Edward IV)–Manners. Crest: A bugle horn sable stringed gules, between two wings expanded argent–Langhorne.’80 A tablet beneath the arms is inscribed ‘LANGHORNE & MANNERS’. These are the arms of Sir William Langhorne, 1st baronet (c.1631 – 1715) and his wife Grace, the Dowager Viscountess Chaworth, a sister of John Manners, 1st Duke of Rutland (1638–1711). Grace died in 1700, having been married to Langhorne for less than a year. Both Vane and Swainson say that the panel is dated 1714, but this not now visible. 1714 is the date at which Langhorne remarried, so it seems unlikely that this panel commemorates his first marriage. The matching armorial in 4b is of rather later figures, so these arms are not contemporary with their bearer.

1b. Roundel. On a blue ground a rayed sun bearing the arms of Christ (the Trinity shield), the field blue and the text in Latin.

2b. Armorial panel. ‘1. Per pale argent and gules, barry of six, counterchanged–Peto. 2. Argent, a fesse sable on a chief of the first, three pellets of the second–Langley. 3. Or, three piles gules conjoined at base, in a canton azure a buck trippant or–Loges. 4. Quarterly, azure and or, per fesse indented–Perot. Impaling azure, two ostrich’s feathers in saltire argent (being an augmentation as servant to the Prince of Wales)–Newton, Bart.’,81 for Sir Edward Peyto (d.1643) and Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Adam Newton. This was earlier in the westernmost window and moved to nV shortly after 1897.29

3b. Armorial panel. ‘Quarterly 1st and 4th. Barry nebulée of six, sable and or, in the centre a mullet, gules for difference–Blount, of Wricklemarsh, in this parish. 2nd and 3rd. Argent, a lion rampant gules within a bordure sable bezantée–Cornwall. Crest: On a cap of maintenance a lion statant gules langued, ducally crowned or–Blount.’82 Formerly in the north chancel window.83 For Edward Blount. Armorial quarry (top left): ‘Blount, with a mullet for difference’,84 formerly in the north chancel window, for Thomas Blount.85 Armorial quarry (lower left): ‘Blount, with a mullet for difference; empaling party per chevron or and gules, three greyhounds courant, two and one counterchanged–Haste.’,86 formerly in the north chancel window, for Thomas Blount and Elizabeth Haste.87 Armorial quarry (top right): ‘Garway modern’,88 formerly in the north chancel window.89 Armorial quarry (lower right): ‘Garway, modern, impaling argent, on a cross sable a leopard’s face or, a mullet of the field for cadency’,90 formerly in the north chancel window, for John Garway and Ursula Brydges.91

4b. Armorial panel. ‘Quarterly. 1. Sable, a wolf rampant or, in chief three estoiles of the last, in fesse point the arms of Ulster–Wilson. 2. Argent, on a bend of gules three lozenges argent between two unicorns’ heads erased azure–Smythe, of Dringhouses Yorkshire. … 3. Or, a man’s leg couped at the thigh azure–Haddon. … 4. Sable, two chevrons ermine between three roses argent–Weller. Crest: A demi wolf, as in the arms of Wilson.’92 A tablet beneath is inscribed ‘SIR THO(MAS) MARYON WILSON BT’, for the 7th baronet (c.1773–1832).

For the tracery, see the Overview above.

Westernmost window of the north aisle, nVI

The window now houses a depiction of the Three Marys at the tomb by Hardman & Co., executed in 1899 in memory of Lieutenant Colonel E. A. Williams (d.1898) of the Royal Artillery (fig. 29).74

South window of the old chancel, sII

The glass now in the window, like that of the east window designed by Charles Blakeman and executed by Lowndes & Drury, dates to 1951 (fig. 30). It represents St Luke (patron saint of the church) and St Margaret of Scotland (name saint of Margaretta Elizabeth Maryon-Wilson (1902–1977), donor of the glass).93

Fig. 29. Window nVI (Image © Christopher Parkinson)

Fig. 30. Window sII (Image © Christopher Parkinson)

South window of the nave, sIII

This window is now plain-glazed.

Oculus in west wall, sIV

This opening is said to be of eighteenth-century date.94 In a mid-nineteenth century drawing of the interior of the church looking west, this window is rendered as a plain-glazed quatrefoil. It is now a simple circular opening with a decorative border (fig. 31).

West window, in the tower: wI

This is now plain glazed. Photographs from the 1920s indistinctly show this opening filled with the stained glass commemorating the father of Maria Richardson (d.1933), whose family vault is at Charlton, and a bequest from whom covered the cost of replacing the sundial on the outside and maintaining the family vault.95 The glass was destroyed in 1940.

Fig. 31. Window sIV (Image © Christopher Parkinson)

Sources and Bibliography

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Warrington 1848. William Warrington, The History of Stained Glass, London, 1848


  1. Egan 1992, p. 165.[]
  2. It was not always clear who held the right of patronage at Charlton: ‘Charlton is a rectory in the diocese of Rochester and in the deanery of Dartford. The advowson, which had belonged to the priory of Bermondsey, was supposed to have been granted, with the manor, to the Earl of Mar; and Sir Adam Newton presented twice under that grant; but doubts arising about the wording of the grant, the Crown claimed the advowson, and the King presented, in 1636. Upon a representation of the case, by petition, Sir William Ducie procured afterwards, in 1667, a separate grant of the advowson.’; Lysons 1796. Elsewhere we read that Sir Adam’s son Henry had presented in March 1635; Cockayne 1900, p. 141. Documents relating to Sir William Ducie’s procuring of the advowson are in the Maryon-Wilson family papers at the London Metropolitan Archive, but are currently not accessible.[]
  3. Philipott 1776, p. 96. The individuals given by Philipott were three of the five executors named in Sir Adam Newton’s will.[]
  4. The RCHME claims that the north aisle was built in 1693 with a bequest from ‘Sir William Newton’; RCHME 1930, p. 17. The date and name are found on a wall tablet below nV, but the tablet is a later nineteenth-century piece, the text of which has been corrected in places, so the date is almost certainly an error for 1639. While it is theoretically possible that monies from the estate of Sir William, 2nd baronet, who died before March 1635, were used to carry out refurbishment of the church, he would surely have been commemorated somehow. Guidebooks to the church have associated the building of the north aisle with the Blount and Cunningham families; Cunningham was one of the executors of Sir Adam’s will, but Blount relates to an earlier phase at the church, as will be seen. Confusion may stem from the terminology adopted in the 1796 account of Daniel Lysons, as he denotes the north chancel chapel the aisle to the chancel: ‘this aisle, (which now belongs to the manor, as does the north aisle of the nave,) …’.[]
  5. The descriptions are BL, Add. MS 5489, and Thorpe 1769. It is Thorpe who notes the arrangement of the monuments. For the date of the Newton monument, see Spiers 1919, p. 65.[]
  6. The identities of the bearers of a number of the arms described in this section, together with a number of other details, were established by John Conradi.[]
  7. In some sources Sir Henry becomes 3rd baronet on the decease of an elder brother, Sir William, in the early 1630s; see, for example, Cockayne 1900, p. 141, and Broadway 2004. Other sources, including notably the will of Sir Adam and the inscription carved on the Newton monument at St Luke’s at the behest of Sir Adam’s executors, give Sir Adam only one son; Handley 2008. The church’s baptismal and burial records are currently not accessible on account of COVID-19.[]
  8. Hone 1825, cols 1387–88. With thanks to Geoffrey Lane for this reference.[]
  9. The latest date mentioned is 1694, on p. 290.[]
  10. RCHME 1930, pl. 53.[]
  11. BL, Add. MS 5489, p. 287: ‘Newton Without the feathers In the Coast or Crest’. Thorpe 1769, p. 845: ‘arms and crest of Newton’. Swainson 1897, p. 49: ‘Azure, three boars’ heads coupled argent, langued gules, tusked or. Crest: Out of a ducal coronot or, a boar’s head argent–James Newton’.[]
  12. Inscription transcribed in full in BL, Add. MS 5489, p. 287; noted in part in Thorpe 1769, p. 845; and summarized in Swainson 1897, p. 49.[]
  13. BL, Add. MS 5490, p. 287: ‘Arg(en)t a Saltier Gu(les) charged With an Escallop or Impaling 2 Coats Quarterly; 1st Quarterly the 1st Quarter p(er) Bend Arg(en)t & sab(le) 2d az(ure) a flower de lis or, Quartering vert a cross Arg(en)t’. Thorpe 1769, p. 845: ‘… see of Rochester, impaling, 1st quarterly, per bend indented argent and sable, two fleurs de lis Or; 2d, vert, a cross ingrailed argent; 3d, as 2d; 4th, as 1st’. Swainson 1897, p. 49: ‘Argent, on a saltire gules an escallop argent–See of Rochester. Impaling: Quarterly. 1st and 4th. Argent and azure, per pale indented sable. 2nd and 3rd. Azure, a fleur-de-lis or–Warner, Bishop of Rochester […] 2nd and 3rd. Vert, a cross engrailed argent, a coat of Warner’.[]
  14. Thorpe 1769, p. 845.[][]
  15. With thanks to Geoffrey Lane for this observation.[]
  16. Swainson 1897, p. 49.[][]
  17. Fide Smith 1975, quoting the Illustrated Christian News for 10 March 1898.[]
  18. BL, Add. MS 5489, p. 287: ‘az(ure), 3 mullets in a Double tressure Counterflory arg(en)t’.[]
  19. In citing this inscription from the manuscript, Swainson (1897, pp. 49–50) erroneously places it in the east window.[]
  20. For the birth and death dates of John Garway, see Geni, (accessed 17.10.20), and for those of Ursula Bridges, see Geni, (accessed 17.10.20).[]
  21. BL, Add. MS 5489, p. 291 (‘in a window’ [2]). Perhaps lost within a few decades, as the arms are not noted in Thorpe 1769 or later sources.[]
  22. BL, Add. MS 5489, p. 291 (‘in a window’ [5]). Perhaps lost within a few decades, as the arms are not noted in Thorpe 1769 or later sources. For the marriage, see A. D. K. Hawkyard, ‘Nowell, Alexander (1516/17–1602), of Westminster, Mdx. and London’, (accessed 6.9.2020).[]
  23. Vane (in Gomme 1905, p. 182, VIII).[]
  24. Vane (in Gomme 1905, p. 182, X). Perhaps a variant of the see of York. John Conradi suggests that this might in fact be the Trinity Shield.[]
  25. BL, Add. MS 5489, p. 289, middle window, [1]: ‘Newton Impaling B(lue) 3 mullets & Double tressure arg(en)t’. Thorpe 1769, p. 845, second window from west, ‘second coat’: ‘[Newton] with a sinister hand couped gules, impaling azure, three mullets argent, within a border flory of the second’. Perhaps lost subsequently, as not noted by Vane or Swainson.[]
  26. BL, Add. MS 5489, p. 289, middle window (nV), [3]: ‘Puckering Impaling sab(le) 3 attires of a stags horn Barwise arg(en)t.’ Thorpe 1769, p. 845, second window from west, ‘first coat’: ‘[Puckering] impaling sable, three dew-rakes bar-ways argent. The arms of Chowne.’ Vane (in Gomme 1905, p. 181, II). Swainson 1897, p. 47, window nearest west wall, I: ‘Sable, a bend frisilly lozengy cotissed argent–Puckering. Impaling sable, three thatcher’s hooks in fesse argent–Chowne.’; Swainson gives Anne Chowne.[]
  27. BL, Add. MS 5489, p. 289, middle window, [2]: ‘[Azure, three mullets argent, within a border flory of the second] Impaling or 3 Bars wavy Gu(les)’. Thorpe 1769, p. 845, second window from west, ‘third coat’: ‘… azure, three mullets argent, within a border flory, as above described, impaling Or, three bars wavy gules’. Perhaps lost subsequently, as not noted by Vane or Swainson.[]
  28. Vane (in Gomme 1905, p. 180); RCHME 1930, p. 19; and Eden 1939, pp. 12–13.[]
  29. BL, Add. MS 5489, p. 289 (lowest north window, [1]); and Thorpe 1769, p. 844 (north side, westernmost window, ‘second coat’), except that Thorpe does not note the Newton impalement. See further Vane (in Gomme 1905, p. 181, I); and Eden 1939, p. 12 (nV).[][]
  30. BL, Add. MS 5489, p. 289: lowest north window, [2]; Thorpe 1769, p. 844. The blazon is here cited after Thorpe.[]
  31. Burke and Burke 1841, p. 186.[]
  32. Lysons 1796, p. 330 n. 28; similarly both Vane in 1865 (in Gomme 1905, p. 181) and Swainson 1897, p. 49. It appears that part of the inscription went missing after 1897, or that Swainson copied Vane, omitting the date. Vane’s account predates the work by Clayton & Bell of 1882 (see below), and Swainson’s postdates it.[]
  33. Cited after Vane (in Gomme 1905, p. 181), who places the inscription in the east window. BL, Add. MS 5489, p. 289 reads ‘principis’, ‘Arm(igeri)’ (for ‘AM’), and ‘16:9 [sic]’.[]
  34. BL, Add. MS 5489, p. 289.[]
  35. Vane (in Gomme 1905, p. 180); RCHME 1930, p. 19; and Eden 1939, p. 13.[]
  36. Later sources follow Swainson: RCHME 1930, p. 19; Cherry and Pevsner 1983, p. 247.[]
  37. Walpole 1849, I, pp. 226–27. A long note here speaks of John Oliver without making the equation explicit. Walpole 1849, III, p. 956, has Isaac Oliver as the author of two prints and the son of the ‘celebrated glass stainer’ John Oliver, referring back to vol. I; a note from a later editor adds that there is no reason to suppose that the engraver was ‘Isaac’, because one of the two prints referred to is by ‘J. Oliver’. For Dallaway’s addition, see Lane 2005, p. 60.[]
  38. Cooper 1835, p. 20, also p. 15 of ‘Biographical Notices’ at the end of the book.[]
  39. Parker 1840, p. 243.[]
  40. The Builder, 36, 1843, p. 430.[]
  41. Walpole 1849, I, p. 226.[]
  42. Lane 2012. An account of the history of stained glass in The Gentleman’s Magazine for 1817 had avoided the identity issue when it mentions ‘J. Oliver’ as an eminent glass-painted celebrated for his ‘delicacy of execution’, and a probable relative of Peter and Isaac Oliver; E.M.S. 1817, p. 313.[]
  43. The Benezit Dictionary of British Graphic Artists and Illustrators, Volume 1: Abbo–Lamp, Oxford, 2012, p. 171 has Isaac Oliver Jr, fl. second half of the seventeenth century, engraver, son of Isaac Oliver Sr; and John Oliver (1616–1701), glass-painter and engraver, possibly a son of Isaac Oliver Sr or a descendant of James I’s master mason John Oliver.[]
  44. Hobbs 1849, II, p. 530; DNB 2004, p. 754; and Lane 2005, p. 39.[]
  45. Schofield 2016, p. 25.[]
  46. See the Catalogue for the blazons of the individuals mentioned here. This achievement was displayed as far back as the fourteenth century and shows descent from Isabell Blount Cornwall of Kinlet (Shropshire), heiress and daughter of Sir Bryan Cornwall of Kinlet, who married Sir John Blount II of Sodington Hall (Worcestershire). This ancestor is buried in the Church of St John the Baptist, Kinlet.[]
  47. Ursula’s brother Sir John Brydges (1492–1557), 1st Baron Chandos, was depicted by Paul Delaroche in The Execution of Lady Jane Grey (1833).[]
  48. For this and what follows, see Harper 1929, especially pp. 66–69.[]
  49. For the records of this incident, see Swinnarton 1840, pp. 456–62.[]
  50. Sir Henry had a house on Broad Street, next to Drapers’ Hall. Many baptisms, marriages and burials of members of the Garway family took place in the now-demolished church of St Peter-le-Poer on Broad Street.[]
  51. For Sir Henry’s life, see McConnell and Brown 2007.[]
  52. B. M. Crook and Basil Duke Henning, ‘Garway (Garraway), William (1617–1701), of Ford, Suss.’, The History of Parliament, (accessed 5.9.2020).[]
  53. The relationship between Sir Henry Blount and Edward is mentioned by John Evelyn in a diary entry dated 30 September 1659 that describes Evelyn’s meeting with Col. Thomas Blount (son of Edward), Sir Henry Blount, and Sir William Ducie, the then occupier of Charlton House; May 1908.[]
  54. Matar 2004. There is another possible Blount/Garway connection, in that one of the earliest coffee houses in London was run by a Thomas Garraway (d.1692?); Cowan 2008. This individual has no apparent connection to the church of St Peter-le-Poer however.[]
  55. John Erskine was also a member of the Murray family (see below) via his mother and was charged with telling James VI that he would be the successor to Elizabeth I.[]
  56. Lysons 1796; Egan 1992, pp. 166–67.[]
  57. McConnell and Brown 2004.[]
  58. McConnell and Wales 2004.[]
  59. He was briefly imprisoned for conspiracy, from which he was rescued by the testimony of some friends. After this incident, he understandably retreated from public life; McConnell and Wales 2004.[]
  60. The two clergymen at St Margaret’s, Lee (Kent), would be ejected for their failure to conform shortly after this date; McConnell and Wales 2004.[]
  61. It seems that the advowson of St Luke’s was held by the Crown during the Civil War; Lysons 1796.[]
  62. Handley 2008.[]
  63. Prince Henry died in 1612, after which Sir Adam Newton joined the household of Prince Charles; Handley 2008.[]
  64. For Peyto, see Broadway 2008.[]
  65. This remarkable response was elicited by the antiquary William Dugdale (1605–1686), who acted as a herald when the Royalists took Warwick and called upon Peyto to surrender; see Stephens 1969.[]
  66. Handley 2008; Broadway 2008.[]
  67. These soldiers were originally intended to be deployed to support the Protestant plantations in Ireland, hence the Red Hand of Ulster inescutcheon for a baronet in heraldry.[]
  68. This was the case for the baronetage of Nova Scotia.[]
  69. For an interesting study of Langhorn’s genealogy that links him to George Washington, see Lee Washington 1943.[]
  70. Seccombe and Grout 2004. The annual income for East-Indiamen at this time was capped at £300; Langhorne however managed to amass a fortune of in excess of £7,000.[]
  71. For an overview of nabobs in general, see Nechtman 2007.[]
  72. For this and what follows, see footnote in Park 1814, p. 123.[]
  73. St Luke’s, PCC minutes, 1948-51.[]
  74. Robert Eberhard, ‘Stained Glass Windows at St. Luke, Charlton, Inner London’, Church Stained Glass Windows, (accessed 13.2.2020).[][]
  75. Robert Eberhard, ‘Stained Glass Windows at St. Luke, Charlton, Inner London’, Church Stained Glass Windows,, faculty DS/F/1952/76 (accessed 13.2.2020).[]
  76. Quoted from Swainson 1897, p. 47 (window nearest west wall, III). Not recorded in BL, Add. MS 5489, but noted in Thorpe 1769, p. 844 (north side, westernmost window, ‘first coat’); Vane (in Gomme 1905, p. 181, III); and Eden 1939, p. 12 (in nV).[]
  77. Quoted from Swainson 1897, p. 48 (second window from west, III). See also Vane (in Gomme 1905, p. 182, IX); and Eden 1939, p. 12.[]
  78. BL, Add. MS 5489, p. 289 (‘in a window’, [1]); and Thorpe 1769, p. 845 (north chancel window, ‘third coat’).[]
  79. Swainson 1897, p. 48.[]
  80. Quoted from Swainson 1897, pp. 47–48 (second window from west, I). Previously noted by Vane (in Gomme 1905, pp. 181–82, IV).[]
  81. Quoted from Swainson 1897, p. 47 (window nearest west wall, II).[]
  82. Quoted from Swainson 1897, p. 48 (second window from west, IV).[]
  83. Thorpe 1769, p. 845 (north chancel window, ‘second coat’). See further Vane (in Gomme 1905, p. 182, VI); and Eden 1939, p. 12.[]
  84. Swainson 1897, p. 49 (second window from west, IV, first small escutcheon).[]
  85. Thorpe 1769, p. 845 (north chancel window). See also Eden 1939, p. 12.[]
  86. Swainson 1897, p. 49 (second window from west, IV, second small escutcheon).[]
  87. BL, Add. MS 5489, p. 291 (‘in a window’, [3]); Thorpe 1769, p. 845 (north chancel window, ‘fifth coat’). See also Vane (in Gomme 1905, p. 182, VII); and Eden 1939, p. 12.[]
  88. Quoted from Swainson 1897, p. 49 (second window from west, IV, third small escutcheon).[]
  89. Thorpe 1769, p. 845 (north chancel window, ‘fourth coat’): ‘… argent, a pile gules, surmounted by a fesse between four leopards heads of the second, impaling argent, a cross sable, charged with a leopard’s head Or; a crescent argent for difference’. See also Eden 1939, p. 12.[]
  90. Swainson 1897, p. 49 (second window from west, IV, fourth small escutcheon).[]
  91. BL, Add. MS 5489, p. 291 (‘in a window’, [4]). See further Vane (in Gomme 1905, p. 182, XI); and Eden 1939, p. 12.[]
  92. Swainson 1897 p. 48, second window from west, II. Already noted by Vane (in Gomme 1905, p. 182, V). Swainson says of the second quarter ‘John Wilson, of Tockwith, married Maude, daughter of William Smythe, of Dringhouses : ob. 1613.’, and of the third quarter ‘Sir William Wilson, first Baronet (13 Car. II), of Eastbourne Place; d. 1688. Married Mary, daughter of Thos. Haddon, of London, merchant; died 1681.’[]
  93. Robert Eberhard, ‘Stained Glass Windows at St. Luke, Charlton, Inner London’, Church Stained Glass Windows,, faculty DS/F/1951/041A (accessed 13.2.2020).[]
  94. RCHME 1930, p. 18.[]
  95. RCHME 1930, pls 52 and 54.[]

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